- Dr Andrew Crines publishes new article on the rhetoric of neoliberalism
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- On Neoliberalism - The Philosophical Salon
Second, it demonstrates that senior Conservatives' emancipatory rhetoric in opposition after was neither a simple continuation of these themes nor primarily a response to the public's growing antipathy towards rationing and controls. Rather, such rhetoric was a complex response to Britain's immediate economic difficulties and the political challenges presented by austerity. Finally, the article sheds new light on the strategy that governed the party's campaigns in and This was vital as neoliberal proposals began to have a real and global impact in the late s, before becoming hegemonic as the century drew to a close.
Dr Andrew Crines publishes new article on the rhetoric of neoliberalism
It was crucial to the neoliberal agenda that the reforms and ideological shift enacted by Thatcher, Reagan, Mulroney, and the collapse of the Soviet Union not be rolled back through subsequent democratic efforts. Centrists and neoconservatives happily obliged. As Slavoj Zizek has endlessly pointed out, third way style compromise was actually far more consequential in solidifying the hold of neoliberalism than the efforts of Margaret Thatcher and her ilk.
It indicated that the ideological possibility of change now seemed permanently foreclosed.
Centrist liberals, including Tony Blair, Angela Merkel, Jean Chretien, and of course Bill Clinton, may have pushed against some aspects of neoliberalization. They occasionally flirted with traditionalist language, and were of course far more vocal in pushing for the advancement of ethno-cultural projects. But by and large globalization carried on unabated, liberalization of culture advanced with increasing rapidity, and nationalist rhetoric fell by the wayside next to waves of immigration.
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Both centrists and neoconservatives accepted neoliberal governance as an accomplished fact which even wealthy states could do little to change. Yet in the post Recessionary climate, this alliance began to fracture at its seams.
And the heaviest blows came not from the political left, as many expected. Progressives did win some ground in putting inequality back on the political map, and various Occupy Movements gained considerable traction. But it was the political right that began to drift away from neoliberalism and towards new kinds of nationalism, identity politics, and denunciations of internationalism and globalization.
This might have been a transient problem, but the power of this drift was suddenly and dramatically demonstrated in when Britain withdrew from the European Union, stunning its neoliberal Prime Minister David Cameron and leading to the complete shakeup of his Conservative party. This would be a precursor to the abandonment or renegotiation of agreements-from NAFTA to the TTP, that had bordered on holy writ for many neoliberals. This was consistent with the efforts of other far right post-modern conservatives across Europe.
Even the international institutions designed to insulate neoliberal markets from political pressures, including the WTO and the IMF, began moderating their tune in response to populist criticism and pressure.
On Neoliberalism - The Philosophical Salon
It is hard to argue that increased flexibility is all bad, particularly in the face of highly restrictive and sclerotic union practices. As Harvey cites Marx,. C Flexible employment arrangements can indeed be sometimes mutually beneficial, he adds. However, its effects on the whole concerning insurance coverage, pension rights, wage levels, and job security are by no means positive.
At the level of financial markets, the explosion of new and complex financial instruments, including the entire credit industry, can be read in this shift towards flexible accumulation. C The penchant of postmodern flexibility for the fleeting and transitory has manifested itself into one for immaterial money and fictitious capital. On the social and cultural level, flexible accumulation has been mirrored in quickly-changing consumption patterns with respect to fashion, and at the aesthetic level shifted from the stability of Fordism to an aesthetic celebrating difference, ephemerality, spectacle, and fashion.
C As Harvey asks, then, is postmodernism as much of a radical break with modernism as it seems? Or does it thoroughly integrate with neoconservative politics and the logic of late capitalism? Neoconservatism and authoritarianism are thus the seemingly contradictory aspects through which neoliberalism pursues its mission to consolidate class power through the provision of a good business climate.
Labour and the environment will thus always be commodities submitted to this imperative; Wall Street will always win out over main street, and a good business climate will win out over collective rights.
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